The New South Wales Independent Liquor & Gaming Authority (ILGA) granted a licence to Crown Resorts on June 22 to operate its casino in Barangaroo in Sydney.
This comes less than 18 months after the ILGA deemed Crown 鈥渦nfit鈥 to hold a gambling licence in February last year. Other inquiries have also found Crown unfit to hold a licence in Victoria and Western Australia.
The entire Barangaroo project and casino is a story of corruption and secrecy, motivated by profit, with widespread from community groups.
Labor and Coalition state governments aided the project from the beginning.
Labor Premier Bob Carr deemed Barangaroo a 鈥渟tate significant site鈥 in 2006, which meant the project was no longer subject to more rigorous local planning laws.
When billionaire casino mogul James Packer announced plans to build a casino in the middle of Barangaroo, on land that was meant for a public park, the government paved the way for him to do so.
After a between Packer and then-Premier Barry O鈥橣arrell, hosted by Alan Jones, the government announced Crown had been approached via an unsolicited proposal. This process, , allows private interests to make deals with the government to build major projects聽without a tender process.
Urban geography academics Dallas Rogers and Chris Gibson these types of public-private infrastructure proposals as 鈥渃oncerning鈥.
鈥淭he public does not know the exact nature of the relationships involved, nor the financial details,鈥 they wrote in the Conversation last year.
As part of the unsolicited proposals deal, Crown the government 鈥渁n upfront licence fee鈥 of $100 million and guaranteed to pay $1 billion worth of gambling taxes within the first 15 years of operation.
Barry O鈥橣arrell's Liberal government聽amended the Casino Control Act in 2013 to allow for a second casino licence in Sydney 鈥 previously held only by the Star casino in Pyrmont.
The revolving door between the government and Crown also helped smooth the process. Liberal Senator Helen Coonan quit in 2011 and, just days later, joined Crown鈥檚 board of directors.
Crown hired former NSW Labor MPs Karl Bitar and Mark Arbib as lobbyists to help ensure Labor, in opposition, did not put up any resistance to the proposal.
Privatisation
The Barangaroo Development Authority 鈥 set up by the government to manage the project 鈥 handed over the proposed Crown site to developer Lendlease on a 99-year lease in 2010.
The agency most of the financial information of the lease contract before making public what remained of it.
Lendlease continued modifying the Barangaroo plans to increase the size of commercial and residential buildings, while reducing the public domain.
Originally, the plan included public open space along the entire Western foreshore of Barangaroo. Now, the Crown building sits in the middle of that space.
Lendlease reduced the proposed public areas from 11 hectares of the 22 hectare site to just six, claiming it was necessary for the project to be economically viable.
Michael Pascoe, writing in the Sydney Morning Herald in 2016, : 鈥淎s for the claim that the entire project would be at risk if the podium proposal [base of the Crown building] was trimmed back to improve public access to the foreshore, a government with spine would have called the bluff 鈥 but there鈥檚 no record of any Australian state government being prepared to stand up to the Packer machine.鈥
Architect and former Sydney City Councillor Philip Thalis to the resulting Barangaroo development as 鈥淟endlease-town鈥.
鈥淥n what was once public land, we鈥檝e ended up with ... an exclusive outdoor shopping mall, an enclave of privilege and high prices,鈥 Thalis said in 2015.
Crown鈥檚 crimes
Investigations by ABC鈥檚 , and the Age triggered a NSW Legislative Assembly that laid bare the crimes committed by Crown and its associates.
The , released in February last year, said that Crown knowingly breached gambling laws in China 鈥 where any form of gambling is illegal, including travelling overseas to gamble 鈥 by promoting its Australian casinos. Chinese police arrested 19 Crown employees in 2016聽and 16 were fined and jailed.
The report said Crown partnered with junket operators 鈥 companies used to attract rich tourists to gamble at casinos 鈥 linked to organised crime groups.
A Victorian into Crown Melbourne in October revealed聽Crown鈥檚 criminality. Crown鈥檚 executives admitted they knowingly committed tax fraud since 2012 鈥 estimated to be $480 million.
Videos leaked in 2019 showed hundreds of thousands of dollars in cash being exchanged for gambling chips in Crown Melbourne. The report said there is 鈥渘o doubt鈥 that money laundering was taking place at Crown Melbourne.
It said Crown鈥檚 鈥減rioritisation of profit over all other considerations鈥 was one of the main reasons it actively broke China鈥檚 gambling laws, committed tax fraud and allowed money laundering.
鈥淚t has not obeyed the law. It has not acted honestly. It has exploited vulnerable individuals. It has not cooperated with the regulator or with government.鈥
Lack of regulation
Despite several credible claims of criminal activity, the Victorian Commission for Gambling and Liquor Regulation 鈥 responsible for reviewing Crown Melbourne鈥檚 casino licence 鈥 it a 鈥渟uitable鈥 operator for years.聽聽聽
Alliance for Gambling Reform advocate Tim Costello pointed to 鈥渁 culture of Crown鈥檚 political dominance and dominance of the regulator鈥 allowing this to聽happen. 鈥淭he regulator has shown almost deferential, submissive, acquiescence to Crown.鈥
Mark Sawyer in MichaelWest Media on June 9 鈥渢he relationship between the casino moguls and our rulers鈥. 鈥淭he economics of casinos are so baked in to the budgets of state governments that any wind back in the time of anybody alive today is nigh on unthinkable.鈥
Professor Linda Hancock, author of Regulatory failure? The case of Crown Casino, state governments are too reliant on revenue from gambling companies to properly regulate casinos. 鈥淵ou can鈥檛 trust the states to do it because their hands are in the till,鈥 she said.
The federal government took $6.2 billion in revenue from gambling taxes in 2018, according to Statista.
Taxes paid to all levels of government from Crown in 2019 were just $650 million.
However, the flow of money was not all one way.
While millions of Australians struggled through the economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns, Crown received millions in government payments 鈥 despite making big profits and being investigated for tax fraud.
According to the Australian Securities and Investments Commission, Crown was the of JobKeeper payments: the federal government paid Crown $92.9 million in 2020 and $198.3 million last year.
A month after the first JobKeeper payments started, Crown a $203 million dividend to shareholders and gave its board a $218,000 pay rise.
Even putting aside the blatant crimes committed by Crown and its associates, the Crown project is still a national disgrace: it represents the privatisation of public land for profit and for little public benefit.
Packer himself said the casino 鈥渨ill not be accessible by the NSW general public 鈥 it will be a members-only facility鈥.
Instead of $100 million apartments, expensive hotel rooms and a casino for billionaires, the Crown building should be public housing for those who need it.