The Palestinian cause has been the major politicising factor for generations of Egyptian youth. Solidarity acts with the Palestinians inevitably develop into anti-regime dissent. History is full of examples.
The 1967 military defeat in front of Israel revived local dissent in Egypt. Student protests in February and November 1968 soon developed into a full-fledged , spearheaded by 鈥淪upporters of Palestinian Revolution鈥 societies on university campuses. It reached its climax with a national revolt against the late president, Anwar Sadat in , which was dubbed the Bread Uprising.
The outbreak of the created a shockwave across Egyptian university campuses and among the professional syndicates [unions]. News of the Palestinian resistance was censored in state-run media by then President Hosni Mubarak鈥檚 infamous information minister Safwat el-Sherif, so as not to stir people to action.
Mubarak launched his 鈥渨ar on terror鈥 in 1992, and dissent in Egypt was almost completely crushed. While the declared goal was fighting militant groups such as the [Egyptian] Islamic Jihad and Gamaa Islamiya, in effect Mubarak squashed all shades of dissent, controlled the professional syndicates, and tightened the state of emergency. Throughout the 1990s, industrial actions plummeted and student activism was under siege.
Yet, once again, the outbreak of the second Palestinian intifada in 2000 proved to be a turning point. With the broadcast to Egyptian households through satellite TV stations such as Al-Jazeera, street dissent was revived once again. Mobilisations in solidarity with the Palestinian intifada and later against the war in Iraq created the political margin the opposition needed to launch the anti-Mubarak movement Kefaya in . From then on, anti-Mubarak activism electrified the country, encouraged the revival of the labour movement, and developed a strong social movement, which led to the .
Arab regimes have always spoken in favour of the Palestinian struggle, but in reality, they did their best to contain it, dismantle it, or wipe it out completely. The Palestinian resistance in their eyes is a source of instability to say the least. It is regarded with suspicion as a potential trigger for a regional war or a role model that could be copied by the oppressed masses in the region.
After the 1973 War, then-President Anwar Sadat shifted to the United States camp, and went on to sign a peace treaty with Israel before he was . Cairo鈥檚 regional role was reduced to simply being an enabler of Pax Americana. Sadat, and later Mubarak were tasked with ensuring stability in accordance with US interests, protecting Israel, overseeing the flow of oil to the West, and the security of the Suez Canal.
This also meant Cairo was to play a mediator role between Israel, the Palestinians, and the Arab states, toward reaching some final settlement. But this did not mean the Egyptian regime was a 鈥渘eutral鈥 actor, especially after Hamas took control of the Gaza strip in 2007. Mubarak pressured the Palestinian resistance groups into de-escalating or accepting political compromises. He collaborated with Fatah and the Palestinian Authority against Hamas, and used the Rafah Crossing, Gaza鈥檚 only artery of life that is not under Tel Aviv鈥檚 control, as a bargaining chip.
Following the 2013 coup, Egypt imposed a siege on Gaza by frequently closing the Rafah crossing. Emphasising the shared roots of Hamas and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, the media propagated conspiracy theories accusing Hamas of involvement in terror attacks against Egyptian soldiers and civilians.
During the , Egypt actively collaborated with Israel in an attempt to eradicate Hamas and enforce punitive measures on the entire Gazan population. The counterrevolutionary regime that was evolving simply was exerting revenge and taking an aggressive stance against any causes championed by the revolutionaries from the 2011 uprising.
By 2017, Sisi鈥檚 regime slowly became more tolerant of Hamas. The latter proved resilient and continued to rule Gaza with substantial public support. Sisi also needed its help in securing the border, from which Hamas鈥檚 Salafi enemies were crossing into Sinai to take part in an that left the Egyptian military battered.
The Cairo-Hamas rapprochement efforts involved a partial easing of the blockade, the opening of the Rafah Crossing, and a series of back-and-forth visits and meetings with the leaders of the resistance, all aimed at negotiating a prolonged ceasefire with Israel. Despite these measures, the humanitarian conditions in the strip did not witness significant improvement. Egypt鈥檚 foreign policy continued to rely on the guidelines set by the US, which were becoming increasingly extreme during the [Donald] Trump administration.
The election of Joe Biden was to have a profound impact on how Sisi handled Hamas. Before taking office, Biden had pledged to hold 鈥淭rump鈥檚 favourite dictator鈥 accountable. However, the eruption of the 2021 Gaza conflict provided an opportunity for Sisi to portray himself as a credible 鈥渕ediator,鈥 capable of exerting influence on Hamas while ensuring Israel鈥檚 security. Utilising Egypt鈥檚 General Intelligence Service (GIS), he successfully mediated a ceasefire, earning praise from the Biden administration.
Since then, Cairo has reverted to its traditional role, a position it has held since Mubarak鈥檚 era. The GIS focuses on securing de-escalation and ceasefires whenever tensions arise between Israel and Palestinian resistance groups, consequently bolstering its political influence with Washington and Western capitals.
During the ongoing conflict, Sisi has found himself under pressure from all sides. He is positioning himself before global leaders, some of whom have recently criticised his human rights track record, as a trustworthy intermediary committed to de-escalation efforts. Simultaneously, he harbors concerns about a possible humanitarian crisis that could lead to the displacement of Palestinian refugees to the .
But even more critically, for him, is the fear of the domino effect. Thousands of Al-Ahly football fans thundered pro-Palestinian chants in a stadium in . gathered in downtown Cairo, in front of their syndicate, to demonstrate and burn Israeli flags. Hundreds of followed suit. The announced a similar call for protest. Students at the American University in Cairo organised a on campus. In other universities, students are organising relief and blood donations. The biggest protest was held at the , following the Friday Prayer. Demonstrators chanted for Palestine and tried to take to the streets before they were dispersed by the police. Similar protests were reported in Giza and elsewhere.
A after Sisi completely squashed dissent, these mobilisations are significant.
Amid and an economic crisis, Sisi鈥檚 has reached its lowest point. He is now on the verge of a presidential election scheduled for the next two months, and his victory seems assured due to the elimination of any strong competitors and the backing of state institutions. Nevertheless, the nation, even after quelling and suppressing organised opposition, remains a potential flashpoint that could erupt spontaneously.
The situation in Palestine could serve as one catalyst, as it did in the previous decades.
[Reprinted from . Hossam el-Hamalawy is an Egyptian journalist and socialist, currently based in Berlin. You can follow his writings on Substack.]