By Paul Burow
MEXICO CITY — Luz Mendez is a member of the International Political and Diplomatic Commission of the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity (URNG). The commission, along with four commanders of the URNG, has been involved in peace talks with the government. She spoke to 91×ÔÅÄÂÛ̳ Weekly after the breakdown of the talks.
What has been the course of the peace process?
Step one began in 1990. This involved the URNG meeting with the different sectors of Guatemalan society, one by one, that were not the government or the military.
They were, for example, representatives of big business, small business unions, churches, popular organisations, peasant groups, opposition political parties, students and academics. A consensus was reached in these discussions on how to end the conflict.
Then talks with the government and the military followed?
Yes, they began in the middle of last year in Mexico City. The National Reconciliation Commission of Guatemala presides over the meetings and encourages agreement, and a representative of the secretary-general of the United Nations is an observer. The National Reconciliation Commission consists of two bishops. two representatives of the government, two people to represent all opposition political parties, and two well-known people who are independent.
Why did the talks break down?
First on the agenda was democracy. An agreement was reached on what democracy should be, in general, but nothing specific. Next we discussed human rights, and this is where the talks came to an impasse.
What caused this?
The government has a policy of forcefully recruiting poor townspeople and peasants to the army's civil patrols — more than 1 million men at the moment.
The URNG argues that this is an abuse of basic human rights. Not only are they forced to work for the government several days a week without pay, but they are also forced to betray their own people and assassinate them, often more savagely
than the regular army. The government is not interested in agreeing to an end to this forced recruiting, so this year the dialogue came to an impasse.
In our polarised society, people must be able to express publicly who violates human rights — that is the army, police and the civil patrols. We must end the impunity of those who abuse human rights. Judges who have been assigned cases where human rights violators were brought to trial often received death threats and had to leave the case.
What does the URNG plan to do now?
At present we are back having discussions with those groups involved in the first round of talks — the unions, popular organisations, churches etc. It is hoped these groups will put pressure on the government to return to the negotiating table with a more open mind.
One of the main tasks is to change the army so that is not involved in politics. This has also come through from those groups which we are talking with at present. So the principal task now is to change the army, insist it respect human rights, and end militarisation of society.
Is the army united? Is there a progressive sector?
There are two groups in the army: those who are only interested in winning the war, and a second group which expresses some progressive ideas (if only in a small way) but at the same time also wanting a military victory.
When do you think the dialogue with the government will continue?
It is hard to say, but the internal war will continue until a peace agreement has been signed. The URNG is now operating in important economic areas — where the rural oligarchy grow products for export. We haven't done this before, and now they are starting to feel the pressure economically.
Has the international community shown much interest?
Many countries are interested and encouraging dialogue. For example, the European Community has shown concern for our human rights and urged the government to stop the conflict. Mexico is also interested and allowed the talks to be conducted here.
How does the Guatemalan struggle compare with that of El Salvador?
The struggle in Guatemala is different in that the Guatemalan
army does not rely on the US for military aid. Of course, some arms come from the US through secret channels since the Bush administrations has, at least officially, ceased military aid. A lot of military aid comes from countries like Israel, but more significant is the development of arms factories within Guatemala which supply much of the military's needs.
Another aspect of the situation is drug trafficking. Guatemala has become one of the main stepping stones that the southern cartels use in transporting their drugs to the US. It is also known that some Guatemalan military personnel of high rank are involved in the trafficking. The URNG fears that if this situation is allowed to continue, Guatemala could become another Colombia.
It seems the US has agreed to ignore the peace negotiations and not pressure the Guatemalan government into any agreements in return for help in stopping the drug trafficking.
When did you first become involved in the struggle?
I first became involved as a student, when 15 years old. I was president of the Secondary Students Association and began fighting for the rights of my classmates. Although the association was legal, to speak out was dangerous.
We were fighting to improve the level of education in the beginning, but as we learned more about the problems of education, we also began to learn about social problems like poverty, repression and inequality. Then we began to be accused of being enemies of the system.
Then I went to the National University of San Carlos, and continued my involvement in the student movement. I was international secretary of the National Federation of University Students. It is still a very important institution and has played an important role politically because of the little space allowed to the left parties to express themselves.
That period in the mid-1970s was the most popular active period. That was the richest time of my involvement — working with other sectors. But the oppressive forces began to kill a lot of leaders, destroyed many movements and caused disunity.
Many leaders had to go underground, which is what I did. I had to look to other areas of struggle, which led me to the revolutionary movement. I joined an organisation which is now part of the URNG. That was at the end of the 1970s. Fighting in a clandestine way began a difficult period of my life, but at the same time I became more committed.
You did this until your joined the commission?
Yes, I was 11 years underground until I joined the commission last year. It hasn't been easy to adjust to operating openly.
You represent one of the four organisations which make up the URNG?
Yes, there are four of us — me and three men — in the International Political and Diplomatic Commission.
What is the best way for people to support the Guatemalan struggle?
The best way is to observe what is happening, condemn violations of human rights, and support the process of dialogue.