
Tony Blair must be prosecuted, not indulged like his mentor Peter Mandelson. Both have produced self-serving memoirs for which they have been paid fortunes. Blair鈥檚 will appear next month and earn him 拢4.6 million.
Now consider Britain鈥檚 Proceeds of Crime Act. Blair conspired in and executed an unprovoked war of aggression against a defenceless country, which the Nuremberg judges in 1946 described as the 鈥減aramount war crime鈥. This has caused, according to scholarly studies, the deaths of more than a million people, a figure that exceeds the Fordham University estimate of deaths in the Rwandan genocide.
In addition, four million Iraqis have been forced to flee their homes and a majority of children have descended into malnutrition and trauma. Cancer rates near the cities of Fallujah, Najaf and Basra (the latter 鈥渓iberated鈥 by the British) are now revealed as higher than those at Hiroshima.
鈥淯K forces used about 1.9 metric tons of depleted uranium ammunition in the Iraq war in 2003鈥, the defence secretary Liam Fox told parliament on July 22. A range of toxic 鈥渁nti-personnel鈥 weapons, such as cluster bombs, was employed by British and US forces.
Such carnage was justified with lies that have been repeatedly exposed. On January 29, 2003, Blair told parliament: 鈥淲e do know of links between al-Qaeda and Iraq.鈥
Last month, the former head of the British intelligence service, MI5, Eliza Manningham-Buller, told the Chilcot inquiry into the Iraq war, 鈥淭here is no credible intelligence to suggest that connection. [It was the invasion] that gave Osama bin Laden his Iraqi jihad.鈥
Asked to what extent the invasion exacerbated the threat to Britain from terrorism, she replied, 鈥淪ubstantially鈥.
The bombings in London on July 7, 2005 were a direct consequence of Blair鈥檚 actions.
Documents released by the High Court show that Blair allowed British citizens to be abducted and tortured. The then foreign secretary, Jack Straw, decided in January 2002 that Guantanamo was the 鈥渂est way鈥 to ensure British nationals were 鈥渟ecurely held鈥.
Instead of remorse, Blair has demonstrated a voracious and secretive greed. Since stepping down as prime minister in 2007, he has accumulated an estimated 拢20 million, much of it as a result of his ties with the Bush administration.
The House of Commons Advisory Committee on Business Appointments, which vets jobs taken by former ministers, was pressured not to make public Blair鈥檚 鈥渃onsultancy鈥 deals with the Kuwaiti royal family and the South Korean oil giant UI Energy Corporation.
He gets 拢2 million a year 鈥渁dvising鈥 the US investment bank JP Morgan and undisclosed sums from financial services companies. He makes millions from speeches, including reportedly 拢200,000 for one speech in China.
In his unpaid but expenses-rich role as the West鈥檚 鈥減eace envoy鈥 in the Middle East, Blair is, in effect, a voice of Israel, which awarded him a $1 million 鈥減eace prize鈥. In other words, his wealth has grown rapidly since he launched, with George W. Bush, the bloodbath in Iraq.
His collaborators are numerous.
The Cabinet in March 2003 knew a great deal about the conspiracy to attack Iraq. Jack Straw, later appointed 鈥渏ustice secretary鈥, suppressed the relevant Cabinet minutes in defiance of an order by the Information Commissioner to release them.
Most of those now running for the Labour Party leadership supported Blair鈥檚 epic crime, rising as one to salute his final appearance in the Commons.
As foreign secretary, David Miliband, sought to cover Britain鈥檚 complicity in torture, and promoted Iran as the next 鈥渢hreat鈥.
Journalists who once fawned on Blair as 鈥渕ystical鈥 and amplified his vainglorious bids now pretend they were his critics all along. As for the media鈥檚 gulling of the public, only the Observer鈥檚 David Rose, to his great credit, has apologised.
The Wikileaks exposes, released with a moral objective of truth with justice, have been bracing for a public force-fed on complicit, lobby journalism.
Verbose celebrity historians like Niall Ferguson, who rejoiced in Blair鈥檚 rejuvenation of 鈥渆nlightened鈥 imperialism, remain silent on the 鈥渕oral truancy鈥, as Pankaj Mishra wrote, 鈥渙f [those] paid to intelligently interpret the contemporary world鈥.
Is it wishful thinking that Blair will be collared? Just as the Cameron government understands the 鈥渢hreat鈥 of a law that makes Britain a risky stopover for Israeli war criminals, a similar risk awaits Blair in a number of countries and jurisdictions, at least of being apprehended and questioned.
He is now Britain鈥檚 Kissinger, who has long planned his travel outside the United States with the care of a fugitive.
Two recent events add weight to this. On June 15, the International Criminal Court made the landmark decision of adding aggression to its list of war crimes to be prosecuted. This is defined as a 鈥渃rime committed by a political or military leader which by its character, gravity and scale constituted a manifest violation of the [United Nations] Charter鈥.
International lawyers described this as a 鈥済iant leap鈥. Britain is a signatory to the Rome statute that created the court and is bound by its decisions.
On July 21, Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg, standing at the Commons despatch box, declared the invasion of Iraq illegal. For all the later 鈥渃larification鈥 that he was speaking personally, he had made 鈥渁 statement that the international court would be interested in鈥, said Philippe Sands, professor of international law at University College London.
Tony Blair came from Britain鈥檚 upper middle classes who, having rejoiced in his unctuous ascendancy, might now reflect on the principles of right and wrong they require of their own children. The suffering of the children of Iraq will remain a spectre haunting Britain while Blair remains free to profit.
[Reprinted from .]