BY STEVE MYERS
On September 7, more than 200 Zaschita (Defence) trade union members and several local communities near Astrakhan, in southern Russia by the Caspian Sea, celebrated a complete victory. It followed a five-day, around-the-clock highway blockade of the huge Gazprom gas processing plant that employs 10,000 workers.
In numerous small towns surrounding the Gazprom plant, which is 16 kilometres north-east of Astrakhan city, hundreds of workers and their families have, over many years, been victims of rampant industrial pollution, which has caused cancer, lung diseases and sulphur poisoning.
After discussions with Oleg Shein, local parliamentary representative and co-chair of the all-Russia Zaschita union (and the only Marxist in the Russian Duma), 100 local workers accompanied by Shein blockaded the highway and prevented the trucks that carry sulphur from entering the plant. Their demands were that the settlements closest to the plant be evacuated and that 300 new homes be built in a safe area. Before long, dozens of trucks loaded with sulphur were lined up unable to pass.
The Astrakhan region's Governor Guzhvin refused to talk with the workers. This greatly angered many people in the Astrakhan region. Over the next three days, the blockade grew as 200 Gazprom workers joined the picket.
The workers stopped all transport of chemicals to the plant, but allowed food and other supplies through. They were joined by people from other local towns and from Astrakhan itself, bringing food, clothing and comradeship to the workers barricades.
Local Communist Party officer Vostretsov (who is also a manager of a small Gazprom business) turned up to urge the workers to go home. The workers voted unanimously to send him packing; he was escorted away from the red flags that were flying over the workers' barricades.
"People's committees" were rapidly established in the company towns of Molodyozhny, SU-6, SMP-255 and UM-6 and the villages of Kuianly and Aisapai. One reason for this degree of community solidarity, was that under the old Soviet system, the plant was responsible for
housing its workers and for repairs. Low rents were maintained. But now Gazprom is hiving off the housing and selling it to the local council. It is now refusing to employ people from the local settlements and unemployment is soaring.
Last year, rent was suddenly raised to a level twice as high as that of the much better housing in Astrakhan city. The tenants protested, but despite promises, rents were not reduced. This provoked the formation of the first "people's committee" last May.
Gazprom claimed the resettlement of the workers was the local council's responsibility. It also was fighting to get the officially recognised contamination area reduced from its current radius of eight kilometres from the plant to 3 kilometres — which would eliminate the company's obligation to resettle most of the affected population.
Messages of support from all over the world, organised by the International Solidarity with Workers in Russia and others, flooded into the authorities. The blockade also gained extensive radio and TV coverage. The picket also won support from other trade unions in the region.
The workers' determination and the growing solidarity overwhelmed the authorities and Gazprom. Guzhvin arrived at the blockade at 10am on September 7 to ask for negotiations. Shein, Zaschita and representatives of the people's committees then talked to Guzhvin and Gazprom director Shchugorev.
A mass meeting rejected the company's first offer of 300 new homes to be allocated at Gazprom's discretion.
Shein (who is not known for over-statements) told me by phone from the barricades that there was "a local revolutionary situation" and that "an insurrection was entirely possible" in the entire industrial district north of Astrakhan unless there was a complete climb-down by the bosses and authorities. "No compromises at all!", was the message of the mass meeting. Negotiations resumed.
A mass meeting of blockaders at 3pm learned of their victory: rent and rates would be cut in half; 320 new homes would be built by the company and allocated by the "community soviets"; and there would be no charges laid, arrests or wage deductions for the actions taken by the blockaders. The "community soviets" informed the bosses that the blockade would resume if they broke the agreement.
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