Climate scientists now believe their predictions about the rate of the global temperature increase have been too conservative, and stronger and more decisive action is needed to reduce dangerous greenhouse gas emissions.
In this context, putting the emphasis on net zero emissions by 2050 simply helps the conservative parties, which are not moving away from their fossil fuel mates because the political pressure for change is not great enough.
The by David Spratt, Ian Dunlop and Luke Taylor of the National Centre for Climate Restoration argue that an emergency response would make climate the number one priority of politics and economics.
They provide accessible data showing that warming is speeding up and that a global 1.5掳C warming is likely by 2030 鈥 or even earlier. Warming has accelerated over 2010鈥19 they say, and the next 25 years are projected to warm at a rate of 0.25鈥0.35掳C per decade.
Warming faster
The conservative estimates made by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) have been shattered: the latest generation of climate models suggest 1.5掳C may be only five to seven years away 鈥 a decade ahead of the IPCC projections.
CRC says the faster rate of warming is the direct result of rising greenhouse gas emissions, as well as declining air pollution and natural climate cycles. These lead to ocean stratification, with a hotter top layer contributing to faster warming.
CRC quotes British Professor of Energy and Climate Change as saying the world is currently on a path to 3鈥5潞C warming by 2100. He warned that a 4掳C warmer future is 鈥渋ncompatible with an organised global community鈥. That sort of temperature rise is 鈥渂eyond adaptation鈥, he said, because it will 鈥渄evastate the majority of ecosystems and has a high probability of not being stable鈥.
The Australian Bureau of Meteorology has also estimated that on current international greenhouse emission commitments, the world is heading for 3.4潞C rise from pre-industrial revolution levels by 2100. For Australia, this translates into a hard-to-conceptualise 4.4潞C rise.
Ominously, CRC states that: 鈥淥nly if the unmanageable is avoided is there a chance to stabilise the system鈥.
鈥淭he evidence from tipping points alone suggests we are in a state of planetary emergency: both the risk and urgency of the situation are acute. 鈥 If damaging tipping cascades can occur and a global tipping point cannot be ruled out, then this is an existential threat to civilization.鈥
The Earth is entering the sixth mass extinction event in its history. In this context, and with the movement still very disparate, radical climate activists need to be clear about what strategy will help and what is simply a detour.
2050 targets a detour
Independent MP for Warringah fits into the latter category. As climate campaigner on November 8: 鈥淔or Australia, zero #climate emissions by 2050 has NO basis in the science and is in complete disregard of ANY notion of climate justice.鈥
Steggall鈥檚 bill is attracting broad support because of the major parties鈥 inaction: it is being marketed as 鈥渢he plan鈥 to set targets between 2030 and 2050 and, because there are no targets, it fills the vacuum.
The Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) has just joined the list of corporate, medical and other supporters of Stegall鈥檚 bill. Spokesperson Michele O鈥橬eil said on November 9 that it 鈥渙ffers the [Scott] Morrison government a chance to join with the rest of the world in addressing the existential threat posed by climate change鈥.
But does it?
Climate scientists argue that net zero emissions by 2050 is too late to avoid catastrophic climate change, and especially for the countries of the South.
Steggall鈥檚 bill is largely about the creation of a new Climate Change Commission (CCC), which would set shorter-term targets and report on Australia鈥檚 emissions and preparedness for climate change. But its five-member commission would have no power to force government to act. It can only advise. The government can ignore it.
O鈥橬eil said 鈥渢he reality of climate change鈥 means 鈥渨e must act now to avoid it鈥 and that 鈥渨orkers affected by the changes necessary to meet the 2050 targets鈥 need 鈥渁 just transition鈥. The peak union body has dragged its feet on climate change.
O鈥橬eil is rightly critical of the federal government鈥檚 inaction. But the ACTU should also criticise the Labor opposition which, so far, has also avoided setting new 2030 targets. The resignation from the shadow cabinet of the may change that. But while Labor supports new coal and gas projects, its climate plan will fall well short of what is necessary.
O鈥橬eil said: 鈥淏usinesses and working people need policy certainty on climate change.鈥 She is correct.
But Steggall鈥檚 bill, which remains silent on new coal and gas, is not the route. Indeed, it assumes that coal and gas exports will continue. Steggall鈥檚 bill proposes that to the Minister on the effect of Australia鈥檚 fossil fuel export emissions鈥.
Too little, too late
Her push for net zero emissions by 2050 is too little too late, and setting up a longer timetable, essentially aimed at helping corporations adapt, ends up protecting the profits of the fossil fuel producers. Her adaptation push only weakens the movement.
鈥淎daption is no substitute for deep climate mitigation and restoration because it is not possible for most people and nature to adapt to 3鈥5掳C of warming this century鈥, CRC said.
This is why Steggall鈥檚 bill is totally inadequate. As 91自拍论坛 said of her bill in February: 鈥淚t appeals to those who do not have confidence that the emerging climate movement can build up enough power to win its demands, including for no new coal and gas.鈥
If the ACTU was serious about its members鈥 jobs and climate action, it would be at least championing the Australian Greens鈥 proposals to , while retraining affected workers.
CRC says 鈥渮ero emissions, even in a decade, coupled with large scale drawdown, is not sufficient to negate the existential risk鈥.
This means unions and the climate movement need to be bold and step up the pressure on all parties for serious climate action.
[Pip Hinman is a long-term climate activist.]