Stuart Munckton
"Zamora took Caracas" on July 11, according to a July 13 Venezuela Analysis report. More than 6000 peasants and agrarian workers marched to demand an end to the persecution of those who were fighting, as peasant hero Ezequiel Zamaro did in the 19th century, for land reform.
The protesters marched to the National Assembly and the attorney-general's office, in a demonstration organised by the National Agrarian Coordinator Ezequiel Zamora (CANEZ).
Since the left-wing government of President Hugo Chavez initiated legislation in 2001 to enable the redistribution of land in favour of landless peasants, more than 150 peasant activists have been assassinated, mostly by hired killers, in an violent campaign organised by large landowners.
Five percent of Venezuela's people own 75% of the country's land, much of which is idle or underutilised — while Venezuela imports 80% of its food. The land reform is not just about giving justice to those who work the land for little reward, it is also to promote food production and strengthen the country's independence.
The land reform is just one part of the Bolivarian revolution, which is an attempt to run Venezuela by and for the majority. So far, it has involved massive social programs providing free education and health care and cheaper food; an expansion of grassroots organisations; and a revitalisation of trade unions and workers' rights.
Under the reforms, peasants can receive cheap government loans to establish cooperatives to work land that had previously been left idle. So far, over 2 million hectares of idle state-owned land has been redistributed as well as a smaller amount of private land. The legislation allows the government to expropriate idle land holdings greater than 5000 hectares, compensating the former owner at market prices.
The landowners' violent campaign escalated early this year, when Chavez pushed to speed up and deepen the reform process. According to Venezuela Analysis, since January, there has been roughly one peasant leader assassinated every week.
Almost none of the murderers have been arrested or convicted, and this apparent impunity for the attackers was a major issue for the peasant marchers. In a document submitted to the government, the peasants demanded that the government assign special prosecutors to the states with the highest levels of anti-peasant violence in recent years.
Organisers of the march stated "in the face of repeated assassinations, the alternative is to deepen the agrarian revolution, continue the expropriations according to the Land Law, mobilise the masses of campesinos, and secure decisive action by the Armed Forces against the guilty parties".
Venezuela Analysis reported that the demonstration, which peasants travelled from across Venezuela to attend, was "met by an impressive array of high-level government leaders", agriculture minister Antonio Albarran and first vice-president Ricardo Gutierrez, who announced that a special commission was to be established to respond to the problems faced by peasants. Peasant organisations would select 15 of the commissions representatives. "We know you are here calling for justice", Gutierrez said. "We will pressure the public institutions to do justice."
Albarran announced the creation of a sub-commission to investigate the assassinations and formulate policies to improve security in the countryside. He added that the regional land reform councils would be broadened to include representatives from peasant groups and the attorney-general's office.
According to Prensa Latina, on July 12 Albarran said the government's plans to push the reform further, targeting inefficient large estates, and was determined to punish those responsible for the murders.
On June 22, VHeadline reported that the president of the National Land Institue Eliezer Otaiza, who in charge of overseeing the land reform, had acknowledged there had been errors in the reform's implementation, and said the struggle against large landowners had been a "steep learning curve".
As the government prepares to tackle right-wing violence in the countryside, however, attacks on the Bolivarian revolution appear to be increasing in the entire country.
On July 16, a grenade was thrown into the offices of the National Electoral Commission (CNE) in Carabobo. It failed to explode. Pro-Chavez forces are expected to win up to 75% in the August 7 local election vote. Some of Chavez's opponents are calling for a boycott of the election, claiming that the vote "won't be free", despite European Union observers agreeing to monitor it. This echoes the experience of last year's unsuccessful referendum on whether to recall Chavez. Although the referendum was declared fair by observers from the Organization of American States and the Carter Center, much of the opposition refused to accept the result.
CNE President Jorge Rodriguez said the attackers "will not threaten us ... If they continue, as we know they will, in an escalation of violence, they will receive a resounding response from the Venezuelan people and the CNE, in defence of the right to vote and of Venezuelans' political rights."
According to Prensa Latina, on July 19 Chavez claimed Washington was behind the boycott campaign, describing it as a part of plan to destabilise the country. The US has run a constant campaign attacking Chavez and the revolution, including supporting a military coup that briefly overthrew Chavez in 2002.
Claiming Washington was financing the groups calling for voter abstention, Chavez said that behind the call for a boycott "there is a hidden dagger, a plan favouring a coup, a plan to delegitimise state institutions and a plan of destabilisation of the revolution, and that comes directly from Washington, direct."
The opposition campaign against the elections has broadened to included the Catholic Church. CNN reported on July 17 that retired Cardinal Rosalio Castillo, Venezuela's highest Catholic prelate, denounced Chavez as a dictator and called the coming elections a "mockery". Castillo urged Venezuelans not to recognise Chavez as their leader. On July 19, Chavez angrily responded, calling Rosalio a "coupmongering bandit".
Then, on July 14, a group of Venezuelan doctors launched anti-government street protests, claiming that the more than 20,000 Cuban doctors currently volunteering in the new free health-care program were stealing their jobs.
However, as Venezuela Analysis reported on December 1, when the program of free health clinics in urban poor areas was first initiated in 2002, the government's call for doctors to volunteer, offering a US$600 a month stipend, was met by around 50 Venezuelan doctors. The Cubans receive less than US$300 a month.
According to a July 10 VHeadline report, the National Coordinating Committee of Doctors for Venezuela (CONAMEV) has condemned the doctors' protests, accusing them of trying to sabotage the creation of a national free health-care system. CONAMEV offered full support to the government's health-care policies.
From 91×ÔÅÄÂÛ̳ Weekly, July 27, 2005.
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