Oil companies and Timor
My congratulations to the members of Resistance and others, who protested against Gareth Evans' policies at the Park Grand Hotel in Sydney on November 21. Due to taking the kids to school, I arrived late, to find the long list of names of those killed in the '91 Dili Massacre in chalk on the pavement outside the hotel.
I enclose a list of companies — Australian companies such as BHP figure prominently, given by Minister for Resources, Senator Collins, in response to WA Greens Senator Dee Margetts on 31st August. GLW readers should know what our Quiet Achiever and others are up to while the East Timorese resist occupation and suffer the disgusting brutality of the Indonesian army.
According to the Sydney Morning Herald of 19th November, the executive director of the Australian Petroleum Exploration Association, Dick Wells, Australian oil companies believe they can "negotiate their way through" any World Court judgement on the Timor Gap Treaty. We will see. But they should not escape exposure of their disgraceful attempts to profit from the occupation of East Timor.
Stephen Langford
Secretary, AETA NSW
[Senator Collins listed the following companies as involved in Area A of the Timor Gap, the area now jointly administered between Australia and Indonesia: BHP Petroleum (Australia), INPEX Timor Sea Ltd (Japan), Santos (Australia), Shell Development (UK/Netherlands), Woodside Petroleum (Australia), BP Timor Gap East Pty Ltd (UK), Sagasco (Australia), Petroz (Australia), Enterprise Oil Timor Gap (UK), Marathon Petroleum Timor Gap East Ltd (USA), Korea Timor Petroleum Development (S. Korea), INPEX Sagyk Ltd (Japan), Emet Pty Ltd (Australia), Phillips Petroleum Company (USA), Oryx Energy Pty Ltd (USA), Bridge Oil Timor Sea Inc (USA), Nippon Oil Exploration (Timor Gap) Ltd (Japan).]
Cleared
In parliament, Mr Barry Morris said: "and, as I understand, the police have cleared me of any connection with the bombing of the Blue Mountains Council." Mr Morris is the State Liberal Member.
As a Blue Mountains ratepayer, I can say that I haven't heard Mr Morris accused of doing the bombing, or of arranging to have it done.
Why, then, does Mr Morris keep on saying that he has been cleared of a crime, of which he is not accused, by means of undisclosed communications from the police department?
Denis Kevans
Wentworth Falls NSW
Jones gagged
Your readers will know of Brandon Astor Jones, a death row prisoner in Georgia, USA, who writes the column "Looking Out".
They will not be surprised to learn that once again, the prison authorities at the Georgia Diagnostic and Classification Center are currently withholding Mr Jones' mail and effectively "gagging" him. He is not being allowed to receive 91×ÔÅÄÂÛ̳ Weekly either, of course. The withholding of a prisoner's mail is illegal under US law.
Brandon would appreciate the help of your readers in writing letters to the Governor of Georgia, urging him to restore to Brandon the right to receive and send out personal mail. The address is: The Honorable Zell Miller, Governor of Georgia, 203 State Capitol, Atlanta, GA 30334, USA.
Stephanie Wilkinson
Seven Hills NSW
ALP and Lenin
Roger Clarke (GLW #168) takes issue with Jim McIlroy's claim that Lenin viewed the ALP as a capitalist party. Clarke writes: "Lenin described the ALP as a 'liberal-bourgeois' party. In the same article, Lenin said that the ALP was 'the unalloyed representative of the non-socialist workers' trade unions'. In other words, the ALP (in 1913) was a workers' organisation with 'liberal-bourgeois' politics."
If an organisation has a predominantly working-class membership then, according to Clarke, it's a workers' organisation. With such an approach, socialists would have to conclude that the NRMA, the RSL, the US army in World War II, or even the Nazi party in Germany after 1933 fall into the category of "workers' organisations."
What distinguishes a workers' organisation from a capitalist one is the role it plays in the class struggle. Thus trade unions are workers' organisations because, no matter how poorly led, they defend the wages and working conditions of workers against the employers. The ALP is a capitalist organisation because it defends the interests of the capitalist ruling class against the working class.
Lenin never described the ALP or parties like it as "workers' organisations with bourgeois policies", but as bourgeois parties with working-class memberships. Lenin's description of the British Labour Party, in 1920, is equally applicable to the ALP: "Of course, most of the Labour Party's members are workingmen. However, whether or not a party is really a political party of the workers does not depend solely upon a membership of workers but also upon the men that lead it, and the content of its actions and its political tactics. Only this latter determines whether we really have before us a political party of the proletariat. Regarded from this, the only correct point of view, the Labour Party is a thoroughly bourgeois party, because, although made up of workers, it is led by reactionaries, and the worst kind of reactionaries at that, who act in the spirit of the bourgeoisie. It is an organisation of the bourgeoisie, which exists to systematically dupe the workers."
Unfortunately, the ALP has succeeded in duping Roger Clarke.
Doug Lorimer
Sydney
[Edited for length.]
ALP and PT
Roger Clarke (GLW #168) argues that lessons from overseas experiences should indicate to socialists in Australia the need for working inside the ALP.
Clarke quotes the sectarian attitude of the British SWP towards the Brazilian Workers' Party (PT). Their criticism of the PT is sectarianism at its worst, and is certainly out of place in Brazil. But to then accuse the DSP of taking the same attitude, because we seek organisational independence from the ALP, is a non-comprehension of how to apply tactics based on the political situation in the country.
Even more amazing is that Clarke (albeit indirectly) compares the ALP to the PT! To say that socialists should adopt the same attitude to the Labor Party as to the PT is ridiculous in the extreme.
Whether or not there are differing opinions in the PT on the question of reform or revolution, the dynamic of the PT is to lead in an anti-capitalist direction.
The ALP, on the other hand, is very much a capitalist party. The leadership prides itself on being the natural party of (capitalist) government. The current Labor government has managed to restructure the economy in the interests of capitalism and provide a greater transfer of wealth from the poor to the rich than any Liberal government has achieved, all with the support of the industrial arm of the party, who have actively pushed the government's agenda onto rank-and-file unionists.
The example of the Brazilian PT is certainly a relevant one. But instead of pointing towards working inside the Labor Party, it shows the value of building a broader force that is not limited to maintaining a right-wing party in power as a manager of capitalism.
Liam Mitchell
West Wollongong NSW
[Edited for length.]
ALP and the left
Roger Clarke argues that since "the ALP is the only party in Australia with any reasonable claim to be connected to the working class", then socialists should seek to "bring socialism to the ALP left".
Any discussion about achieving socialism should begin from the starting point of how to imbue the working class with revolutionary socialist consciousness. From this flows the "fundamental strategy of building an independent revolutionary socialist party".
This was certainly the view that Lenin put forward. In the article quoted by Clarke, where Lenin refers to the ALP as a "liberal-bourgeois party", Lenin goes on to counterpose to the "liberal" ALP the sort of party the working class needs to advance our interests and the struggle for socialism: a "socialist workers party" (Lenin's emphasis). After the split in the socialist movement following the outbreak of WWI, Lenin repeatedly referred to parties similar to the ALP as "bourgeois agents within the workers movement" and was especially critical of their "left" wing supporters.
So our fundamental strategic perspectives are to build a revolutionary socialist party "separate" from the pro-capitalist parties in the workers' movement. The question then becomes, out of the wide variety of tactics possible to pursue this strategy, which is the best at the moment?
Clarke has not demonstrated that there are many opportunities for doing this by organising within the ALP at the moment. By contrast, the young people and workers radicalising at the moment and who are open to socialist ideas are on the whole not to be found in the ALP nor even looking towards the ALP left for inspiration.
In such a situation, for socialists to make our main focus to "bring socialism to the ALP left" would cut across the opportunities that do exist to "bring socialism" to the rest of society and the working class. In addition, we would run the risk of being compromised in the eyes of workers, who may not be confident of building an alternative but have never been more disappointed with the ALP. Alex Bainbridge
Melbourne
[Edited for length.]
Youth and ALP
I have been intrigued by the ongoing debate between Roger Clarke and Jim McIlroy over the role of the ALP for socialists.
I've been a political activist and a socialist for nearly three years. In all that time, the only ALP members I've come across have been slimy careerist student politicians and equally slimy careerist MPs. Not once have I had the opportunity to work with ALP activists (for all I know, they may as well not have activists!).
My primary political loyalty is to the working class, and defending (and extending) working class rights — not abstract "principled" loyalty to a party because it supposedly is the representative of the working class, or is "linked" to the working class (it's not linked to me!).
I don't see anything wrong with working with ALP lefties who are serious about campaigning against the ALP policies (beyond factional fighting). However, I don't see any reason to join the ALP, or for any other serious activists to do so. The ALP has no positive presence or impact whatsoever on politics for youth. And if I were in the ALP, how could I relate that to the communities that have been hurt by ALP policy? These are the groups that I want to work with, but how could I persuade them to get involved with me?
The ALP is only seen as the lesser of two (parliamentary) evils by the large majority of the Australian working class. Any socialists in it would be well advised to leave before they are permanently tainted by the stench of economic rationalism and opportunism.
Ben Courtice
Hobart
[Edited for length.]
Saving the earth
The struggle to overthrow capitalism is no longer a socialist class struggle, it is a battle to save the earth.
The proletariat don't need their living standards raised any higher — they are consumers, sitting home watching TV.
It is true that a massive re-education of society needs to take place, and that the capitalist system must be destroyed or replaced. Humanity is out of balance with nature, people need to get back in touch with Mother Earth and Father Sky.
APEC "Free Trade" agreements and other moves by the Gubby and the multinationals have too much power to be stopped by demonstrations or rallies, but they can be stopped.
"It is not what they're selling, it's what you're buying, and receiving undefiled", to quote Fugazi. Through boycotting, reducing consumption, buying locally grown food, locally made craft-based products and becoming as self-sufficient as possible, you will have power.
The necessities of life, food, shelter, medicine, clothes, can all be obtained without the use of corporate products. Labour intensive, eco-friendly, craft based products hold the key in an over populated, over polluted world.
The nature of our struggle today determines what future we will have tomorrow. Playing the capitalist game, with corporate logos, political parties, and the like, can only entrench you further into the system.
If you want to test your "political correctness", as seems common among socialists, ask yourself this — how much plastic have I consumed this week?
Tony Hastings
Kuranda Qld
Morals
David Nicholls (Write on, GLW 165) has shown me the light — I must be an unreconstituted bigot who talks out of his back end. You can imagine how guilty and ashamed I must feel. In trying to answer Peter Singer's question (GLW 163) — how are we to live? — I have exposed my own lack of ethical hygiene.
Can I then prevail upon him to help rectify the damage I may have done to the cause by sharing with us his thoughts on the topic: how can we be ethical without being revolutionary? Slave, as I am, to the ravery of others, I think the ethical system Singer espouses is an agenda designed for amateurs.
I need help because, in my contorted logic, I fear that those who are merely ethical — regardless of the depth of their passion and the breadth of their morality — end up fighting against something that they do not really wish to defeat.
Dave Riley
Nundah Qld
Reclaim the Night
I have been following with interest the discussion in GLW about the Reclaim the Night marches in Sydney and Melbourne.
The RTN march of 6,000-7,000 women in Melbourne was an empowering experience. However the march could have been more empowering if it had put forward a strategy to change society and if it had put forward concrete proposals on how to eradicate violence against women, and the treatment of women as an inferior sex.
I disagree with Alison Thorne's comments (GLW #168) that "The Melbourne march was powerful because of the ideas it promulgated", and that it was "a movement demanding real change".
One of the speakers at the RTN march included a woman who questioned the use of the category of "woman". I was left with the impression that we should give up using the word "woman".
The MC and keynote speaker was Joan Kirner, President of the Victorian branch of the ALP and ex-Premier of Victoria. A previous article in GLW (#167) described how Kirner's government implemented anti-woman policies. Joan Kirner hypocritically attacked the Kennett cutbacks while not mentioning her support for the State Labor opposition's economic policies, which are virtually identical to Kennett's.
During the march itself, there were very few banners putting forward concrete demands about the campaigns needed to eliminate violence against women. The music coming from the leading vehicle was so loud that it drowned out any chants.
Being with 6,000-7,000 women who were all in a festive mood was enjoyable, but it presented no challenge to the State and Federal governments. These governments are implementing policies which impoverish women, push women out of the workforce and back into the home, and superficially support women's rights by just supporting the rights of a few managerial or parliamentary women.
The only option presented by the RTN rally was to vote Kennett out and vote the ALP in. This strategy has already been tried and failed in Victoria and federally. The violence against women has not stopped but is increasing. The economic policies of both governments are again restricting the life options of the majority of women. The lack of any alternative to relying on a "nicer" ALP government left many women feeling disempowered.
For RTN marches to really challenge a society which promotes violence against women, they can't rely on the ALP being "nicer" in government. RTN marches need to campaign for the rights of all women and link in their campaign with the campaign against social injustice in all sectors of society. We can't trust big business governments. We have to rely on our own strength.
Sue Bolton
Melbourne
Defence White Paper
The new Defence White Paper promotes the usual cycle of violence hidden under the usual rhetoric. Promoting closer ties with Asia by selling them arms is madness. Take for example selling rifles to Thailand's military who then sell their old rifles on to the Khmer Rouge who use them to shoot Australian aid workers or tourists. In the White Paper, this is called progress or defence self-reliance. It is clearly a recipe for an unstable region.
Eddie Clynes
Surry Hills NSW
Spying
The Defence White Paper released 30 November is full of contradictions, on one hand it promotes closer ties with Asia while it also promotes the idea of spying on them.
Terms like surveillance are just polite expressions for intercepting private and commercial information from our Asian friends. Hardly the act of a friend, what is worse is the fact much of this information will be used to target our new found Asian friends and will make them very uneasy.
So much for closer ties, it is like that spoof on Star Wars "We come in peace, shoot to kill."
Denis Doherty
Social Justice Independent for Port Jackson
Glebe NSW
Free speech
Freedom of speech is one of the four freedoms guaranteed to humanity by the victors after the Second World War.
Freedom of assembly is also guaranteed under an international convention on civil and political rights.
Both of these guarantees have been dishonoured by the Darwin City Council by banning a peaceful assembly in the Darwin Mall on 24 November on the grounds that it was political.
Darwin City Council also bans the handing out of leaflets in the municipality.
Is the Darwin City Council trying to ingratiate itself with the Indonesian Government by being even more sycophantic and right-wing than the Northern Territory Government?
It is time the anti-fascists in this community began forming a defensive wall to protect and retrieve our democratic rights.
C.M.Friel
Alawa NT