Pip Hinman, Karachi
Renowned author and activist Tariq Ali was a hit, particularly with young Pakistanis, at the Karachi World Social Forum, held March 24-29. Wherever he spoke, whether at the 5000-strong opening ceremony or at seminars on political Islam, globalisation and war, the attendance was huge.
But Ali's view, which he put sharply in Karachi, is that while there is value in the WSFs, the gatherings also have their limits. "If you think that this well-intentioned forum will bring about new social movements, then it won't as these can only start from the grassroots", he told the daily WSF paper TerraViva on March 26. "While I don't like to damp down enthusiasm, expectations should not be high, as nothing phenomenal will come from this event."
Asked whether non-government organisations (NGOs) have helped get the voices of the "grassroots" across, he replied, "We can't generalise, but by and large NGOs have taken people away from politics ... This is not just peculiar to Pakistan but all over the globe ... It's not real politics, it's virtual politics."
Since the first WSF in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in 2001, the relationship between NGOs, social movements and political parties has been a topic of debate. Does the presence of political parties squeeze out the social movement activists and NGOs? Can NGOs really speak for social movements? Are big parties masquerading as NGOs to get into the WSF process anyway? And if so, what do the smaller, more radical left parties do to get a hearing?
At Karachi, the presence of strong social movements and left parties, together with NGOs, made for a potent mix of radical politics and activity. The discussions on socialism and what was meant by it drew some of the biggest crowds, as did the panels on the struggle for justice in Palestine and fighting capitalist globalisation.
When the WSF was first launched, its activities were largely shaped by the founding WSF organising committee, made up of a number of Brazilian and European NGOs, some of which were closely tied to left and radical parties. By the third forum, the WSF's international council, which had grown to more than 100 organisations, mostly set the agenda. But the pressure to relate to the large non-European social movements, namely in south Asia, took the 2004 WSF to Mumbai, India. There, parties, in particular the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the radical Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) took on an organising role.
For the first time this year, three regional WSFs took place. More than 15,000 people, mostly from the French-speaking parts of Africa, attended a series of 600 meetings during the WSF in Bamako, Mali, from January 19-23. Immediately after that, some 100,000 people participated in the Caracas WSF, where Venezuela's Bolivarian revolution was the big drawcard. And some 35,000 people, mainly Pakistanis, attended the Karachi WSF, delayed until March due to last October's earthquake.
While people from 59 countries came to the Karachi forum, including some big delegations from India and Sri Lanka, the event was overwhelmingly a forum for Pakistanis — not insignificant given that the democratic forces are fighting for a space to organise, in the face of both the religious fundamentalist forces and the military government.
Despite some differences, the Karachi organising committee of NGOs and the Labour Party Pakistan (LPP) managed to pull off a huge event filled with politics, rallies and a variety of political-cultural events. Left parties, social movements, NGO activists and newcomers happily rubbed shoulders with each other 10 hours a day, for six days.
"It's the first time in Pakistan's history that fisher folk, women, peasants and workers have all come together at such a forum", Farooq Tariq, LPP general secretary, told 91×ÔÅÄÂÛ̳ Weekly. The LPP was the only left party whose supporting organisations played a consistent role in the local WSF committee.
As for the balance between "real" and "virtual" politics — as Tariq Ali put it — Farooq Tariq was happy. "Karachi WSF was more political than some other [WSFs] because it was not dominated by NGOs", he said. "A majority of left parties and social movement groups were here", Tariq continued, referring especially to political groups from Baluchistan, Punjab and Kashmir, where peasant, worker, women and independence struggles are taking place.
According to Tariq, the Perez Musharaff military government wanted the opportunity to promote itself to the world as "liberal and democratic". But whether this veneer worked is highly questionable, Tariq said, given that "every demonstration showed how angry people are with the military and its neoliberal agenda".
Khalid Mahmood, the program manager of the Lahore-based Labour Education Foundation and a member of the WSF steering committee, told GLW that while there had been attempts by some NGOs and trade unions to keep the agenda conservative, it ended up being quite radical.
"Some had wanted to give a platform to the right-wing local and provincial government, which is close to Musharaff", he said. But threats of large protests and a "no-show" by Tariq Ali prevented that from happening. "It is our right to have these forums", Mahmood added, arguing that there was no reason for the local government to take credit for the forum's success.
The LPP used the WSF to profile the organisations they work with, as well as their socialist politics. Both Tariq and Mahmood said that the People's Democratic Movement (AJT), a united left initiative of the LPP, was critical to the profile that the left and radical parties enjoyed at the WSF. "We wanted our sessions to be seen as unity events", Tariq said, explaining why so many speakers (and participants) were present at the eight sessions they helped to organise. The "Socialism as an alternative" forum, hosted by the National Trade Union Federation, attracted at least 700 people.
The series of rallies that took place throughout the WSF impressed everyone, especially the locals. Mahmood said, "All the rallies were organised by people opposing the military dictatorship — trade unions, organisations from Baluchistan, the North West Frontier Province, the peasant movement from Punjab, anti-dam campaigners from the north and from Sindh. They were all here in large numbers and they were clear about using this forum to politically define themselves as forces opposing the dictatorship. Even I didn't quite expect that."
Tariq told GLW that the LPP is the only party from Punjab that supports the Baluchis' right to self-determination — a position that is controversial in Punjab, but welcomed in Sind and Baluchistan. Tariq is now hopeful that more left parties, such as the National Party of Baluchistan and forces in Sereiki, will agree to join the AJT, as it clearly supports the rights of oppressed minorities.
A delegation of 30 also travelled for three days to Karachi from Kashmir and, according to Tariq, were very happy to have such a chance to explain their struggle.
At least 1000 volunteers, mainly first-year students from Karachi University, were indispensable to ensuring the forum ran smoothly. Mahmood told GLW that fundamentalist and ethnic parties dominate student politics in Karachi and that "it's very hard for students to be part of the progressive movement".
Pierre Rousset, a veteran of WSFs who represented Europe Without Borders, was also pleased with the turnout of the social movements in WSF Karachi. He told GLW, "By comparison, in Bamaco, the WSF was in name only. There was no such social dynamic as we had in Karachi." But he was disappointed with the turnout of those beyond south Asia, a consequence, he suggested, of the polycentric nature of this round of WSFs. Movement activists' lack of travel funds is another big factor. Despite the difficulties, Rousset said this WSF had had a "big political impact".
The WSF clearly boosted the LPP's profile and the left unity projects it is trying to develop. "Because the military is fighting on many fronts with so many people", Mahmood said, "the Karachi WSF brought people together and provided the left in Pakistan with a big opportunity to grow into a more significant force for radical change." A good outcome for real politics.
From 91×ÔÅÄÂÛ̳ Weekly, April 12, 2006.
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