The United Auto Workers (UAW) union is in the vanguard of the labour movement in the United States, with its fight to organise car workers in the notoriously anti-union Deep South.
The UAW's new militancy is also seen in the struggle by academic workers organised by the union in support of students fighting for justice for Palestine.
After a victorious strike last year at the Detroit-based 鈥淏ig Three鈥 US-owned companies 鈥 Ford, General Motors and Stellantis 鈥 the union launched a drive to organise foreign-owned plants in the South.
The German-owned Volkswagen (VW) plant in Tennessee was the first up and the union won a major victory there in April, following two failed attempts to unionise the plant.
While the state governor pushed anti-union values, car workers said 鈥淵es鈥 to a union. The Tennessee victory remains a positive harbinger of future union drives.
Setback at Mercedes-Benz
Workers at Mercedes-Benz鈥檚 Tuscaloosa plant, located about 60 miles southwest of Birmingham, Alabama, were next in the UAW鈥檚 drive.
Mercedes-Benz workers have produced more than 4 million vehicles since the plant opened in 1997 and 295,000 vehicles last year, including electric vehicles.
There were early signs of a victory at Mercedes-Benz because more than two-thirds of the plant's workers signed cards supporting a ballot for unionisation. The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) held the ballot in May, but in a setback for the UAW drive, the vote went against the union by 56% to 44%.
The UAW expected the Mercedes-Benz campaign to be more challenging than the VW vote, as the union had already established a presence at VW after two failed organising drives in the past decade. They also had less opposition from the carmaker.
However, the UAW鈥檚 drive at Mercedes Benz faced a relentless anti-union campaign by the company, backed by six state governors led by Alabama鈥檚 Republican governor Kay Ivey. After the "No" result was declared on May 17, she said workers had 鈥渧oted for Alabama values鈥.
鈥淭he workers in Vance have spoken, and they have spoken clearly! Alabama is not Michigan, and we are not the Sweet Home to the UAW. We urge the UAW to respect the results of this secret ballot election.鈥
Alabama remains a stronghold of openly racist politicians whose forbearers were the backbone of the 鈥淛im Crow鈥 segregation in the former slave-owning South. African Americans remain a big segment of manufacturing workers in the state.
The UAW has now asked the NLRB to order a new vote, alleging that Mercedes-Benz violated labour laws to prevent unionisation. The company鈥檚 campaign was marked by 鈥渨anton lawlessness鈥, according to the UAW. Among other things, the company allegedly fired four workers who supported the union, prevented pro-union employees from campaigning and forced workers to watch anti-union videos.
The UAW has filed six unfair labour practice charges against Mercedes-Benz with the NLRB since March. According to the NLRB, the charges allege that the company has 鈥渄isciplined employees for discussing unionisation at work, prohibited distribution of union materials and paraphernalia, surveilled employees, discharged union supporters, forced employees to attend captive audience meetings, and made statements suggesting that union activity is futile.鈥
Fight not over
For UAW President Shawn Fain, despite the result at Mercedes-Benz, the fight is far from over. Fain said the vote wasn鈥檛 a failure, but a 鈥渂ump in the road鈥.
鈥淲hile this loss stings,鈥 Fain said, 鈥淭hese workers have nothing to do but be proud in the effort they put forth and what they've done.
鈥We fought the good fight and we鈥檙e going to continue, continue forward. Ultimately, these workers here are going to win.鈥
Dianne Feeley, a retired car parts worker and UAW militant, analysed the challenges the UAW faces in the South.
In a post on the socialist Solidarity website on May 24 Feeley wrote that foreign-owned car companies 鈥渨ere courted by many states, who offered them tax incentives and grants鈥 and these companies 鈥淸built] their plants in more rural areas where there were fewer work opportunities after previous industries had shut down鈥.
鈥淸T]hey learned how to avoid hiring people with union backgrounds and came to rely more and more on temporary agencies for staffing. Paying wages that were higher than businesses in the surrounding area, the companies sometimes matched the wages of UAW plants, but their benefits rarely did.
鈥淭hey also watched the concessions the UAW gave to the Big Three and made sure to adjust accordingly. Most importantly, workplace health and safety were significantly poorer 鈥 partly because state regulations were weaker.
鈥淛ust as these foreign-owned companies learned new business practices, the Big Three and the parts plants they spun off in the '90s picked up tips from these newbies. In reality, they learned from each other. Breaking the concessionary lock at the Big Three [in the UAW strike in 2023] opened the door to ending the inequalities baked into the non-union plants.鈥
Feeley wrote that despite not being unionised, Mercedes-Benz workers also benefited from the 2023 UAW strike and an end to two-tier wages.
However, 鈥淪till stretched to the breaking point with 12-hour days, Mercedes workers faced a combination of the company鈥檚 carrot-and-stick approach鈥 in the unionisation ballot.
鈥淭he company鈥檚 intimidation tactics included disciplining and even firing union activists, captive-audience meetings, and a barrage of anti-union messages over in-plant monitors, as well as mailings and text messages.
鈥淲hat turned out to be the company鈥檚 most effective and dramatic action was the firing of its CEO, replacing him with one who pledged to work to make needed improvements,鈥 wrote Feeley.
The company also enlisted the help of a local pastor in its anti-union campaign, wrote Feeley.
鈥淛ust days before the vote, Baptist minister Matthew Wilson鈥檚 video message urged workers to give [new Mercedes-Benz] CEO Federico Pablo Kochlowski a chance. He then toured the facility with the plant manager. According to the interviews with workers this may have been the most decisive tactic that turned 鈥榶es鈥 votes into 鈥榥o鈥 votes.鈥
During the VW unionisation drive, there were organisers inside the plant and volunteers outside. The volunteer organising committee drew lessons from past attempts and harnessed the knowledge of those who had been part of a union at other workplaces. They leafleted in the parking lot and in break rooms; they talked about on-the-job issues and refuted points made by politicians who had no idea of their problems at work.
Key to the VW success were short videos produced by UAW staff, featuring supportive statements by diverse groups of workers, many with Southern accents. It demonstrated that this was a home-grown movement.
The UAW鈥檚 charges against Mercedes-Benz also relate to the company鈥檚 alleged violations of Germany鈥檚 Supply Chain Due Diligence Act, adopted in January last year. The German government has announced that the Federal Office for Economic Affairs and Export Control has begun a formal investigation.
On-the-ground organising and building broader public volunteer support will decide what happens next.