Erdogan uses Christchurch attack to demonise People鈥檚 Democratic Party

March 21, 2019
Issue 
Because the People's Democratic Party is likely to win back ground in the elections, the Turkish government is trying to demonise it.

The racist-fascist terrorist act in New Zealand, targeting local mosques in Christchurch and killing 50 Muslims, has been unequivocally condemned in Turkey.

Five parliamentary parties even managed to sign a common statement of condemnation 鈥 a level of agreement between the parties unheard of since the last parliamentary election, and rarely before that.

Yet somehow, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdo臒an and his ruling party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP), are trying to use the event to provoke anger among the party base against the opposition.

In his mass meetings, Erdo臒an broadcast the video stream recorded by Brenton Tarrant during the attack, to galvanise his party base and convince the public that this action was threatening Turkey and Erdo臒an himself. This has from New Zealand Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Winston Peters, who contacted Turkish officials, including senior ministers.

The video recording is strictly banned by the New Zealand government, but is becoming mainstream in Turkey as a result. Erdo臒an has shown the video in 陌stanbul, Tekirda臒, 陌zmir and Antalya. This trend appears likely to continue until the local elections due on March 31.

This issue is widely criticised in Turkey by the opposition.

The massacre has been condemned by all political sectors in New Zealand. Labour Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern is showing solidarity with the families of the Muslim victims, trying to unite the people of New Zealand of different beliefs.

Obviously, the president of a political Islamist party does not share the objectives of an anti-Muslim fascist-terrorist. So why is Erdo臒an spreading his propaganda?

Erdogan facing 鈥榤eltdown鈥

The reason lies within the deep contradictions shattering Turkish politics.

Immediately ahead are the local elections. Polls show the ruling party losing nearly all major cities, including the capital Ankara and the largest metropolis Istanbul.

Erdo臒an can find no way to prevent the meltdown he is facing as a result of the economic crisis of Turkish capitalism and is trying to explain everything bad as a conspiracy hatched by the West.

The Turkish lira has , not because of Erdogan鈥檚 inability to protect the value of the national currency and his bad economic policies, but because of a supposed 鈥渁ttack on Turkey鈥, synonymous with an attack on the Turkish national flag and the Islamic call to prayer.

The of vegetables such as onions, tomatoes and eggplants are not because of the collapse of farming during the AKP period and high inflation, but rather the result of 鈥渇ood terror鈥, and rising prices are no different than a 鈥渢errorist attack on the country鈥 鈥 and so on and so forth.

The only problem the country faces is diverse kinds of 鈥渢error鈥 and only the AKP government can stand up against it.

The bourgeois and the popular opposition both object to this 鈥渟urvival crisis鈥 thesis, stating that the real problem is the survival of the ruling bloc which, after 17 years of rule has brought Turkey to the brink of economic collapse and liquidated political rights and freedoms.

The watchword of the ruling bloc 鈥 consisting of the political Islamist AKP and ultra-nationalist Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) 鈥 is the 鈥渟urvival crisis鈥.

The economic crisis is either dismissed as unimportant or the result of 鈥渇oreign attacks鈥. MHP leader Devlet Bah莽eli even stated that eggplant can be eaten when its price falls, but 鈥渟urvival cannot be eaten鈥.

鈥淪urvival鈥 is the main watchword of the ruling power bloc, although they have yet to convince the general public. The vast majority of society faces a different problem of survival, not of the Turkish state, but the problem of survival of their families, who they are increasingly failing to feed and educate.

Politics of polarisation

By showing the video, Erdo臒an is trying to convince people that they are under an imminent threat by 鈥淐rusaders鈥.

By way of implication, he is attempting to connect the fantastic claim of Tarrant to 鈥渞etake Constantinople鈥 with the Turkish opposition鈥檚 aim to reclaim Istanbul municipality in the upcoming elections.

He even tries to connect the views of the fascist Australian Senator Fraser Anning with those of the opposition leader Kemal K谋l谋莽daro臒lu 鈥 an obvious manipulation.

Note here that Melbourne鈥檚 heroic 鈥淓ggboy鈥 has gained widespread popularity in Turkey as a left-wing anti-fascist figure, especially among the opposition鈥檚 social base.

Erdo臒an鈥檚 politics of polarisation on religious and sectarian lines is not limited to the bourgeois opposition, but also targets the women鈥檚 movement and the People鈥檚 Democratic Party (HDP).

He attacked the March 8 International Women鈥檚 Day rally, claiming that the women protested the Islamic call to prayer. In a manipulated video broadcast by government-affiliated media, it appears that the women protested the call to prayer, but in reality their slogans and whistles were a protest against police attacking them.

Women who marched on March 8 have also been verbally attacked in nearly all of Erdo臒an鈥檚 mass meetings.

HDP likely to make gains

Another Erdo臒an target is the HDP, which represents the real popular opposition movement in Turkey. It appears poised to regain nearly all the municipalities forcibly appropriated by the government in 2016 and some new ones.

In a television interview, Erdo臒an 鈥渢he godless, atheist HDP鈥 of 鈥渟hooting at mosques鈥. This was not the first and will not be the last lie about the HDP. Erdo臒an鈥檚 aim is to criminalise the third-largest and most left-wing electoral party in Turkey.

Since the AKP鈥檚 electoral defeat in 2015, the result of a rise in the HDP鈥檚 popularity, it has accused the HDP of 鈥渢errorism鈥, 鈥渢reachery鈥 and 鈥渃ollaboration with the West鈥.

The judiciary, which is strictly managed by the ruling party, has imprisoned more than 5000 HDP members, many MPs and co-chairs Selahattin Demirta艧 and Figen Y眉ksekda臒.

Part of this great wave of political repression was the forcible seizure of 96 HDP municipalities, the sacking of elected mayors and appointment of government trustees in their place.

The HDP still holds firm despite this incredible political repression. Uniting the vast Kurdish political popular movement with Turkey鈥檚 democratic and socialist trends, the HDP still has the ability to form a broad alliance of the oppressed sectors.

It is in this context that Erdo臒an is increasing his efforts to convert popular discontent into a religious polarisation, thereby fastening together his electoral base.

Is broadcasting this video worth a single vote? Obviously not. The AKP government aims to turn every election into a battlefield, to polarise society between 鈥渦s鈥 and 鈥渢hem鈥, and effectively destroy all the rights and freedoms that make an election free and fair.

It seems that the remaining days leading up to the March 31 elections will be marked by an increasing effort by the government to manipulate the electorate by any means necessary.

[Alp Alt谋n枚rs is a former deputy co-chair of the HDP, and a writer and translator with , a Marxist internet magazine based in Turkey.]

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