Italy: Urgent action needed against neo-fascist threat

March 2, 2018
Issue 
An anti-racist rally
An anti-racist rally in the central Italian town of Macerata on February 10

The relationship between Italians and fascism has always been ambivalent in the aftermath of World War II. This is mainly because Italians have never come to terms with its fascist past.

As a result, neo-fascist groups are flourishing today amid increasing social and political hatred, and receiving considerable media coverage. This includes groups such as CasaPound (named after the fascist poet Ezra Pound) and Forza Nuova (New Force).

However, the Italian government seems unable (and maybe unwilling) to stop them, despite the Italian Constitution unequivocally stating: 鈥淚t shall be forbidden to reorganise, under any form whatsoever, the dissolved Fascist party.鈥

Moreover, this provision is reinforced by several other national laws, including the 鈥淪celba law鈥 (1952), the 鈥淢ancino law鈥 (1993) and the 鈥淔iano law鈥 (2017). These prohibit promoting or supporting fascism, racial and religious discrimination, and the online distribution of neo-fascist material.

In such a context, taking clear action against fascism should not be a problem, since the law is extremely clear. Instead, the government is way too indulgent with explicitly neo-fascist and unconstitutional groups. But despite the law, CasaPound and Forza Nuova are being allowed to contest elections, such as the March 4 general elections.

Legitamisation

This legitimisation of fascism is unprecedented in Italy, even though fascist-inspired groups have always existed. Indeed, in the 1970s the Italian government was able (even if maybe too hesitantly) to disband fascist armed groups such as Ordine Nuovo (New Order) and Avanguardia Nazionale (National Vanguard).

On the contrary, today鈥檚 neo-fascist groups are often protected by the police. Combined with this is a political agenda seeking to delegitimise socialism and communism by equating them to fascism.

In this sense, neo-fascist groups are useful to the neoliberal narrative. Fascism and communism are presented as 鈥渢wo opposite political extremisms鈥, or 鈥渢wo sides of the same coin鈥. Therefore, it is said, 鈥渂oth fascism and communism will end up in a form of totalitarianism鈥.

This narrative, moreover, is profitable both for neoliberals and fascists, as the former can use it to present themselves as the only genuine democratic force on the political sceneThe latter can decriminalise their ideology and present an altered version of history.

The effects of this perverted narrative are plainly evident. Anti-fascist movements, which legitimately protest against neo-fascist gatherings and electoral speeches, are regularly accused of being anti-democratic and preventing people from expressing their ideas.

However, we are not facing 鈥渢wo opposite political extremisms鈥. Rather, there is a legitimate demand based on a constitutional right on one side. On the other, is an unconstitutional, criminal and anti-democratic ideology.

Needless to say, the right-wing propaganda emphasises the prejudice according to which the neo-fascists should be granted the right to express their political opinions. Anti-fascists (and especially socialists and communists) are called聽鈥渢he 鈥渘ew fascists鈥, because they don鈥檛 grant freedom of thought and speech to opponents.

The main supporters of this prejudice are both Fratelli d鈥橧talia (Brothers of Italy) and the Lega Nord (Northern League). Former prime minister Silvio Berlusconi claimed that 鈥渇ascism is dead and buried, and the real danger for democracy is the new anti-fascism鈥.

Even the Five-Star Movement refuses to accept anti-fascism as a valid political idea, as it believes 鈥渂oth fascism and communism belong to the past鈥, so anti-fascism is also to be overcome.

On top of that, even the democrats and the moderates are ambiguous. They prefer to turn a blind eye rather than intervene in accordance with the Constitution.

Both Democratic Party (PD) Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni and PD secretary Matteo Renzi have declared that fascism is not a legitimate political position. However, in recent years no one in the government has done anything concrete to stop the rise of neo-fascist groups.

In fact, they have helped legitimise them. Interior minister Marco Minniti has often ordered the police to break up anti-fascist demonstrations and to safeguard neo-fascist rallies.

The situation demands we urgently take a firm stand against neo-fascism, rejecting it as any form of legitimate political position. This applies not only to Italy, but to a great part of Europe and the United States as well.

Just think of Germany. Last year, the Constitutional Court refused to ban the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany. Another Nazi-inspired party, Alternative for Germany, entered parliament with more than 12% of the votes in last year鈥檚 elections.

Other examples are Spain, where neo-fascist and nationalist groups have risen up against pro-independence Catalans, and France, where the neo-fascist sentiment is strongly represented in Marine Le Pen鈥檚 National Front.

The European Union is also now supporting (openly or tacitly) fascist governments in Ukraine, Hungary and Turkey. Austria, Poland and Czech Republic should be added to the list of places where neo-fascism is growing or already strong enough to take power.

This is not to mention the US, where white supremacists and other reactionaries have carried out several mass shootings and terrorist attacks.

Capitalism

History tells us that fascism and capitalism are cut from the same cloth. Both aim at oppressing workers and poor people for the benefit of rich, white men.

It is no secret that big industries and rich business people supported the rise of fascism in Italy. They funded Mussolini鈥檚 Fascist Party, since they considered fascism as the best way to protect their interests and profits.

Indeed, during the fascist regime, rich people became richer and poor people were starving and sent to war. Socialist parliamentarian聽Giacomo Matteotti was brutally murdered in 1924 by fascists when he discovered evidence proving that Mussolini accepted bribes and illegally sold US company Sinclair Oil exclusive rights to use Italy鈥檚 oil reserves.

It is hard to believe claims that neo-fascist movements will fight corruption or restore labour rights (as they say they will), since their political view is based on the most corrupt and repressive regimes in Italy鈥檚 history.

There still is huge anti-fascist sentiment in Italy, giving hope for the future. The new left-wing movement聽Potere al Popolo (Power to the People) is the best example; but there are also other progressive parties, such as聽Sinistra Italiana 聽(Italian Left), the Partisans Association, unions, social centres and students鈥 associations that are keeping anti-fascism alive.

The only viable solution to combat fascism in Italy is to immediately disband neo-fascist groups and seize their assets, which should be re-used for social purposes.

Neo-fascist forces still aim to oppress people, suppress civil and labour rights and make new wars. An effective solution to stop neo-fascism, not only in Italy but across the West, could be to aim for an anti-fascist international front. Italy could play a leading role, in accordance with its anti-fascist constitutional values.

Neoliberals in the West are clearly afraid of the possibility of a new rise of socialism. That鈥檚 why they keep telling us that fascism and communism both end up in totalitarian regimes. It is also why the Western neoliberal elite helps keep alive the threat of fascism 鈥 to legitimise itself and its distorted narrative.

We must reject this narrative and acknowledge that socialism offers the most genuine and radical possible form of democracy 鈥 in political, social and economic spheres.

As British Labour鈥檚 socialist leader, and veteran anti-fascist, Jeremy Corbyn said: 鈥淚f you do what you believe in, you鈥檙e strong. It鈥檚 when you don鈥檛 do what you believe in that you鈥檙e weak. And we are strong鈥.

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