
The electricity market regulator,聽, suspended聽the wholesale electricity spot market across five states on June 16 鈥渦ntil further notice鈥. It did this to force companies to make more supply available for local consumption in a colder-than-usual winter.
With the election of a new federal government, and raised expectations for policy change, it has opened up an important discussion over who owns energy and how energy transitions could be done.
It is a discussion that is sorely needed.
This is the first time聽. It follows AEMO鈥檚 imposition of a price cap across all mainland grids 鈥 another first. These moves were welcomed by New South Wales鈥櫬燙oalition and Queensland Labor聽energy ministers.
Energy companies are still guaranteed the average price in their state 鈥斅$300鈥500 a聽megawatt hour聽鈥 rather than the flat rate of $300/MWh聽and can seek compensation for any losses.
Some quipped that AEMO had 鈥渇licked the NEM switch to Cuba mode鈥, but that is not the case. Energy companies own 40% of AEMO.
It stepped in because, as a cold snap hit, local prices for coal and gas soared 鈥 the result of greedy operators keen to take advantage of higher global prices, pushed along by factors such as sanctions on Russia over its invasion of Ukraine.
Energy companies buying coal on the spot market need a price of more than $300/MWh to break even, according to聽. Gas generators need about $400/MWh.聽This means ordinary people are being held to ransom.
According to the聽, residential energy consumption was up 3% over 2019鈥20 and commercial production was down by the same amount, largely due to the pandemic. Transport energy fell for the first time in 20 years.
But this did not disrupt profit-making, as most of Australia鈥檚 energy is exported 鈥 70% 鈥 and exports grew mainly from聽crude oil and condensate (by 15%) and liquefied petroleum gas (by 48%).
The whole idea of having a market for a commodity that everyone needs聽.
MichaelWest Media聽described the energy shortage as the result of a 鈥渟uite of complicated scams鈥, but mostly the result of fossil fuel companies failing to supply the domestic market with coal and gas because they make more money selling it overseas.
Also complicit in the scam are state governments, which have corporatised and privatised state electricity commissions, giving the green light to fossil fuel companies鈥 profiteering.
Another factor聽is the AEMO. Set up by the聽Council of Australian Governments in 2005聽following the聽Australian Energy Market Commission Establishment Act 2004,聽it聽makes the rules聽governing the electricity and natural gas markets, including retail prices. The rules are heavily influenced by government鈥檚 strong relationships with fossil fuel companies.
The scam works because governments, wrongly, decided that the market could run an essential service better than themselves.
They did this knowing that energy companies and private distributors will want to make a buck. The more they charge to operate, the higher the prices to domestic users.
The former Coalition government鈥檚 鈥済as-led鈥 special commission for the COVID-19 economic recovery was a clear signal to big fossil fuel companies that it would continue to put their profits first.聽Then Labor opposition leader Anthony Albanese聽backed the government鈥檚 gas 鈥渞ecovery鈥 plan.
Labor, at federal and state level, has been in lock-step with the Coalition on the notion that energy delivery can be left to the market. Clearly it cannot 鈥 and not just to avoid blackouts, euphemistically described as 鈥渓oad shedding鈥.
The evidence that this 鈥渕arket solution鈥 was not delivering reliable and cheaper power 鈥 let alone a rapid transition to 100% renewables 鈥 had been catalogued by several studies years ago.
Writing for The Australia Institute in 2019 on the failure of electricity privatisations聽聽said: 鈥淭he inefficiency, rising costs and unaccountability of this industry are the natural and predictable result of the private market structure which was imposed on this industry, beginning in the mid-1990s.
鈥淭his grand experiment in privatisation, competition and marketisation, inspired by faith in the supposedly all-knowing efficiency of market forces, has in fact created an industrial structure marked by fragmentation, duplication and waste.鈥
Former Fairfax economics editor聽聽has long campaigned against the privatisation of the electricity industry.
In 2018, he wrote: 鈥淸It] may not be the worst of the many stuff-ups perpetrated in the name of 鈥榤icro-economic reform鈥, but it鈥檚 certainly the one that鈥檚 cost the greatest number of Australian households and businesses the greatest amount of money.
鈥淭he experts told us not to worry. The prices the private owners are allowed to charge would be tightly regulated. Wrong.
鈥淚n no time the monopolists found ways to rort the system鈥
鈥溌爄s the direct result of a decision to take five state-owned electricity generation, transmission and retailing monopolies and turn them into a national electricity market of competing privatised businesses.
鈥淏ut although the feds are now carrying the can for this giant national stuff-up, it was all the doing of the state governments who did the privatising.鈥
It makes no sense to allow strategic energy assets to be monopolised: energy companies must be brought under public ownership to have a hope of achieving a clean energy transition in which energy workers are not left behind.
The Electrical Trades Union (ETU) is calling for real change, saying the privatised system has well and truly failed.
ETU acting national secretary Michael Wright said on June 15: 鈥淭he current regulatory system fails us during the good times, with rampant profiteering and price gouging, and fails us when times are bad, as has been demonstrated today.鈥
础蝉听, ETU聽national policy officer, said in a Tweet on June 16: 鈥淚n the 1930鈥檚 Australia鈥檚 energy system was fragmented, largely privately owned & failing to serve the public interest. Govt鈥檚 (of all persuasions) nationalised our energy system to guarantee it delivers for the common public good. Time to learn the lessons of our past.鈥