The Labor government announced a 聽as the United States announced plans for in student debt relief.
Can Australia really hope to find its way back to Whitlam-style free education policy when so many are ensnared in a brutal hunger-games economy, driven by the ferocious greed of the privileged, privately-educated few?
When the introduced free tertiary education in 1974聽Whitlam told the Labor Party faithful: 鈥淓ducation is the key to equality of opportunity鈥 a student鈥檚 merit rather than their parent鈥檚 wealth should decide who benefits.鈥
It was what Australia had long wanted and for 15 nation-building years the system, while not perfect, allowed access on merit and affordability.
Unsurprisingly, conservative efforts to put the increasingly well-educated working class back in their overworked, underpaid place began almost immediately.
Thanks to student protests it was not until 1986 that the Bob Hawke Labor government introduced the Higher Education Administration Charge (HEAC) of $250 for each student.
User-pays education was born and 鈥斅燽y design 鈥 favours聽users who can most afford to pay.
Whitlam recognised equity was based on a scale of affordability, however, the system still had to be sustainable.聽The new 鈥渁dministration fee鈥 itself might have been reasonable policy, had it not been foundational on the premise that 鈥渆veryone鈥 could afford it. Not everybody could.
Once equity of access again had a price on its head, it became a political target that just kept getting bigger, becoming the now insatiable debt turbine known as Higher Education Contribution Scheme (HECS).
It became harder for the disadvantaged to get a guernsey for the frequently promised, but never delivered, 鈥渓evel playing field鈥 of higher education; the game鈥檚 brightest too often benched by self-interested referees.
It is no secret that market economics is Kryptonite to all forms of social equity.聽Even the most level playing field is rendered inaccessible if it is located too far up the mountain.
The higher fees and costs went, the more universities found ways to profiteer: special rates for overseas students; pushing for public funding of private equity; demanding cheaper teaching costs; higher and higher productivity for less money; and charging ever-higher fees.
In the end, the best free education model in the world was unable to withstand the ferocious greed of聽corporatised capital in a ruthless gig economy high on聽negative-geared wealth and markets hijacked by lobbying cartels.
Public funding of private gains
Between the inequities of the of private schools and universities聽and the deliberate cruelty of some of those who benefitted the most (often finding themselves in Parliament or captains of industry as a result of free education) corporatisation and the de-socialisation of the entire education sector has set in.
For disadvantaged students, the HECS tax formula became ground zero.聽They found themselves needing more and more money to study in less and less Commonwealth-subsidised places.聽Course choices, locations and even entire curriculums became rigged to political capital.聽University boards were stacked with vested interests.
Politicians of all stripes are fond of pointing out that 鈥渨e don鈥檛 charge interest on HECS鈥, as if that takes the sting out of a $100,000 bill so many can never hope to pay off.
Instead, they backhanded disadvantaged students yet again by making HECS debts (and its poor cousin the vocational fee HELP system) subject to indexation 鈥 rigging it to the rate of inflation.
Currently, at 7.1% 鈥 effectively a 7.1% interest on an average debt of between $50,000鈥$100,000.
Call it what you will, this has the same effect as taking out an unsecured variable rate personal loan. It has the same effect on your credit history too: a debt bomb timed to go off exactly when a now post-graduate student in need of housing needs it the least.
Once again only those highly coveted, private full fee-paying students enjoy any real freedom of study and career choice, capacity to pay both fees and the increasingly crippling cost of living being the primary admission requirements.
Plus parts
After navigating the dazzling complexities of CSP鈥檚 (places subsidised by the Commonwealth), HECS, VET Fee HELP, different study formats and the various scholarships, prospective students then face a heartbreaking list of things .
They include expenses聽such as accommodation, laptops, transport or many of the other core necessities of study that have somehow morphed into hedge-market indicators.
With university managements becoming greedy slumlords聽 to the highest bidders, and an entirely nationwide,聽accommodation costs alone have already bumped too many students off the side of the mountain completely.
Textbooks are costly too: students are trapped into that are hugely expensive for a variety of government-sanctioned reasons.聽It is a significant cost that even the most frugal of students cannot avoid and quickly outstrips eligible subsidies.
Add the yawning gap between low-paid casual student jobs and the stratospheric cost of living and those without external financial support have long since been priced out of the university education market completely.
Labor鈥檚 rear-view mirror
Labor announced the Australian Universities Accord last November with a , led by Professor Mary O鈥橩ane.
The report released on July 19 by 聽noted the Chair鈥檚 comment: 鈥淗igher education is essential to our national prosperity 鈥 it is the foundation upon which a more equitable and fair society, and a stronger economy, can be built.鈥
Whitlam was proud of his delivery of free education, and he would struggle to recognise either the education sector itself or the Labor Party that once protected it from profiteering harm.
With universities now in bed with lucrative defence contractors, leveraging everything they can to hijack curriculums, and more than half of being ex-politicians, it鈥檚 hard to see how the Education Accord鈥檚 big ideas can make more than a small difference.
Everyone says they want to help 鈥渢he disadvantaged鈥 it鈥檚 just that nobody wants to pay for it.